In the weeks following the military coup on February 1, Andrew and millions of people across Myanmar demonstrated peacefully to demand the restoration of civil rule.
Less than two months later, the 27-year-old was training to kill soldiers with wooden shotguns in the jungles of his hometown of Kayah State, which borders Thailand in southeastern Myanmar.
“Before the coup, I couldn’t even kill an animal,” Andrew said. Like other resistance fighters interviewed by Al Jazeera, he would not disclose his name for security reasons. “When I saw the army killing civilians, I felt very sad and troubled… My mentality is that I am fighting for the people and opposing the evil military dictator.”
Andrew is one of a growing number of civilians in the country, many of them young people. They took up arms to suppress an army that killed more than 860 people, mainly in anti-coup protests, arresting more than 6,000 people, and Used include torture and enforced disappearance since it seized power from the democratically elected government of Aung San Suu Kyi.
Some fighters have joined ethnic armed groups in the border areas of the country, where ethnic minorities have been fighting with the armed forces of the Myanmar Army for decades to fight for the right to self-determination and rights. Others, such as Andrew, have joined one of the dozens of civil defense forces that have sprung up in the town since late March.
However, although ethnic armed groups have developed resources and capabilities for many years, most civil defense forces are equipped with single-shot shotguns and other self-made weapons, and many fighters only have a few weeks of combat training.
Faced with an army with more than $2 billion in armaments and 70 years of experience in suppressing civilians, the new revolutionaries told Al Jazeera that they were willing to test the possibilities because they believed armed resistance was the only option. regime.
“We conducted a nationwide protest and launched a civil disobedience campaign against the military, hoping to restore civilian democracy, but these methods alone will not work,” said the former university lecturer and the political force that now leads the civilian resistance movement. Neno said the group is in Chin State and the neighboring Sagaing area. “We have done everything we can, and taking up arms is the only way to win this victory,” she added.
Salai Vakok, a 23-year-old resistance fighter from a community development worker, was also in Chin State. Soon after the armed forces began shooting protesters in mid-February, he began collecting shotguns in his hometown of Minda.
“We used to hope that people abroad would fight for us, but this never happened,” he said.
“I never thought in my life that I would have a weapon… But after learning that innocent and unarmed civilians were killed across the country, especially in the lowlands, I quickly changed my mind. I couldn’t remain silent. For the sake of the dead. The hero avenged my unity, and I decided to take up arms.”
Myanmar Army responds to armed resistance Indiscriminate air and ground attacks And through long-term violence in ethnic minority areas, civilians cannot get aid, food, and supplies. Since the coup, nearly 230,000 people have fled their homes; many are hiding in the jungle.
In Kayah and neighbouring Shan State, civilian fighters joined local minority armed groups in a 10-day resistance in late May, during which they claimed to have killed more than 120 regime troops, and the armed forces shot and killed those transporting food aid. Humanitarian volunteers and also shot and killed displaced people who returned to town to buy rice and supplies. On May 24, government forces opened fire on a Catholic church where more than 300 people had taken refuge, killing 4 people.
June 9th, a UN experts warn After the Burmese army cut off more than 100,000 displaced civilians’ access to food, water and medicine, Kayah State “has mass deaths due to hunger, disease and exposure”.
After the Myanmar Army responded to civilian resistance in mid-May, the Mindat town of Salai Vakok also faced a growing humanitarian emergency, launching attacks on residential areas and preventing the supply of food and water to the displaced. It is also accused of arresting civilians and using them as human shields to deter resistance fighters.
He said the attack strengthened his determination to continue fighting, but since he was wounded by artillery in the attack last month, he has been unable to hold on. He told Al Jazeera: “When I recovered, I had made a firm decision to continue fighting anyway until the regime fell.”
Urban resistance also seems to be increasing, mainly because young people join in underground networks after participating in short-term training camps for ethnic armed groups in the jungle. After returning to the city, they adopted guerrilla tactics, including bombing, arson, and targeted clearance, including those suspected of being informants or allied with the army.
The current affairs magazine “Myanmar Border” reported that there are at least 10 urban rebel groups in Myanmar’s major cities, and Radio Free Asia has counted more than 300 bombings since the coup, mainly in police and administrative offices, as well as other regime-related incidents. In the facility.
“[The Tatmadaw] Use guns to oppress us. Should we kneel or fight back? Gue Gue, a 29-year-old doctor who is a member of the Yangon Underground Resistance Organization, said: “If we only use three-finger salutes to resist, we will never get what we want.” “We don’t choose to be armed; that’s because we cannot pass. Peace requires what we want.”
But he said he has been living in fear of informants. “We must live secretly in urban areas, otherwise we may be killed…We can’t sleep well,” Gue Gue said.
Another concern of the resistance fighters is their families: According to a human rights documentation organization, since the coup, at least 76 people have been detained because the security forces could not find the person they wanted to arrest.
“I told my parents that if the army searched me, they said they tried to persuade me not to take up arms, but I didn’t listen,” Salai Vakok said. Since he joined the resistance movement, he has severed contact with his family, but it is said that they were one of the thousands who were displaced by the conflict in Mindat in May and are now hiding in the jungle.
The Committee of Representatives of the People’s Chamber (CRPH), composed of elected legislators overthrown in the coup, announced on March 14 that it supported civilians’ right to self-defense, and on May 5, it announced the National Unity Government (NUG) appointed by CRPH Announced The predecessor of the National People’s Defence Force is the predecessor of the Federal Army. It will unite the nation’s national armed groups and civil defense forces under the central command. However, most groups currently operate independently or in smaller alliances.
NUG Deputy Interior Minister Khu Te Bu told Al Jazeera that he expects fighting across the country to worsen in the coming weeks and months, but he is worried that the civil defense forces will not have enough firepower and sufficient training to defeat the Burmese army.
“They use hand-made weapons, but they cannot protect the people from the army that has been preparing and establishing a supply of weapons for years,” he said.
On May 26, NUG announced a code of conduct. It stated to all armed resistance groups that combatants must avoid harming civilians and minimize collateral damage.
Khu Te Bu said he hopes that resistance groups can unite against a common enemy, and that NUG can play an important role in ensuring that these groups have a strong understanding of the rules of war, including how to protect civilians and deal with prisoners’ wars.
“[Resistance groups] You cannot violate international rules just because the military does not abide by them,” he said. “They must deal with the enemy systematically… to protect human rights. “
Due to the shortage of weapons and funds, civilian fighters said that they hope that NUG can also provide human resources and material support in the near future. “If they really want to help us, they can send soldiers or provide us with modern weapons, or at least they can support us with food and commodities,” Salai Vakok said.
As the violence continues and deaths and displacements increase, resistance fighters also hope that Myanmar will not disappear from the attention of the world.
“Myanmar is now like a slaughterhouse. People are killed like animals every day,” Gue Gue said.